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President Jokowi Widodo, more commonly known as ”Jokowi,” and Vice President Jusuf Kalla surprised the public when attending Indonesia’s 2017 State of the Union Address (SOTU) by wearing traditional attire. Previous presidents and vice presidents had adhered to the customary practice of donning suits, ties, and the emblematic Indonesian black cap, or peci, while delivering the SOTU before all members of the Indonesian House (DPR) and the Regional Representative Council (DPD) in the parliament building, broadcasted live by national TV channels. Jokowi appeared wearing the Tutu attire originating from the Bugis, Vice President Kalla’s ethnicity. Conversely, Kalla wore the Beskap outfit from the Javanese ethnic group, Jokowi’s ethnicity.
With over 1,300 ethnic groups, 700 local languages, and various religious and cultural practices spread across more than 17,000 islands, Indonesia’s cultural diversity is an invaluable treasure. Promoting cultural diversity through wearing traditional attire from different ethnic groups every year in state political rituals is a form of state-sponsored treasuring practice. However, this state-sponsored treasuring practice became ensnared in superficial politics. Such practices often serve as instruments to bolster and consolidate power, rather than to empower the local communities. In contrast, numerous treasuring practices organized and maintained by local communities, such as the Merti Dusun ritual (hamlet cleansing) in Javanese society, effectively preserve cultural heritage and enhance collective capacities, ensuring the continued preservation and vitality of these cultural treasures.
President’s Traditional Attire
Bey Machmudin from the president’s press office claimed that the use of traditional attire by the president and vice president during the SOTU conveys a symbolic message underscoring Indonesia’s diversity, encompassing a multitude of ethnic groups and cultures. President Jokowi seeks to embody and represent this rich cultural diversity. In his role as the head of state and government, President Jokowi transcends the identity of a mere political figure or official; he becomes a personification of the nation itself. His individual persona merges into the collective body politic of the nation. Consequently, any traditional ethnic attire he wears inherently signifies Indonesian identity. Moreover, by choosing Bugis attire, Jokowi moves away from his Javanese ethnicity to embrace Indonesia’s broader cultural diversity. This deliberate choice transforms his body into a locus for encountering Indonesia’s multifaceted cultural landscape, thereby symbolizing the nation’s identity through his presence. It also serves as a powerful metaphor for understanding this diversity as a unified whole.
Beyond signifying Indonesian cultural diversity, Jokowi wearing Bugis attire made Indonesianness present. This act is particularly noteworthy in light of the persistent tension between the state’s promotion of the national motto, “Bhineka Tunggal Ika” (Unity in Diversity), and the lived realities of Indonesian society, which often fall short of this ideal. By incorporating Bugis elements into his attire, Jokowi effectively materialized the nation’s cultural diversity within the SOTU, transforming the event into a celebration that treasures Indonesia’s rich tapestry of cultures. His attire conveyed the nation’s aspired unity and infused the SOTU with a tangible sensory experience of Indonesianness that had been overshadowed by recent political discord. This emphasis on visual and decorative traditions in representing Indonesia’s diversity in the SOTU reflects a politics of multiculturalism. It integrates local cultures into the national identity, showcasing a harmonious relationship between “national” and “local” culture. This superficial cultural display meant to garner and maintain popularity often obscures the genuine political issues faced by indigenous communities, such as displacement and social injustice. In this context, President Jokowi’s embodiment of Indonesian identity is intertwined with the populist politics that underlie his leadership.
By foregrounding Indonesianness during the SOTU, Jokowi established a direct and immediate connection with the societal fabric among the Indonesian populace. Populist politics emphasizes immediacy and direct engagement, enabling populist leaders to mobilize public sentiments around the notion that they represent and actively present the people’s interests. However, this also raises the specter of whose or which people’s interests. Indeed, a hallmark of populism is the polarization of politics into a revered majority and vilified minority elites. Alongside reverence and villainy, populism can fuel racism, xenophobia, discrimination, ultra-nationalism, and various other forms of intolerance. This political schism becomes further compounded when religious sentiments and identity are exploited for political purposes, a phenomenon deeply entrenched in Indonesian political dynamics in 2017.
A socio-political context underlying this practice of state-sponsored treasuring was the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election, which was considered the most viciously fought in Indonesia. Despite occurring in Jakarta, its political effects resonated nationally across the country. Many scholars argue that the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election marked the rise of identity politics in contemporary Indonesian politics, as culture and identity are articulated, constructed, invented, and commodified as the means to achieve political ends. The upsurge of identity politics was triggered by a case involving Jakarta’s ethnic Chinese Christian incumbent governor, Basuki “Ahok” Tjahaja Purnama. He was accused of blaspheming Islam and the Quran, which sparked massive protests from Islamic groups. While Ahok struggled to handle the blasphemy allegations that led to his trial and damaged his electability, his political rival Anies Baswedan gained political advantage by capitalizing on the emotional wave that resulted in victory in the second round of the election.
The 2017 Jakarta election left a discernible impact on President Jokowi’s political strategies for managing diversity. Many political commentators expected that the escalating political rifts could jeopardize Jokowi’s power consolidation. To address the burgeoning polarization, President Jokowi adopted two main strategies: restraining conservative Islamist groups and revitalizing the foundational ideology of Pancasila. The first target of the government’s measures to suppress the conservative Islamist groups was the disbandment of the Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) a transnational Islamic group aiming to revive the global Islamic caliphate. While some agreed with the government’s measures to counter radicalism and extremism, which could undermine Pancasila and the Constitution, human rights advocates and proponents of democracy expressed concerns that the government’s authority to ban civil society organizations could potentially be abused, threatening human rights and essential democratic values.
President Jokowi’s second strategy to address polarization was to revitalize the national political philosophy of Pancasila, which consists of five fundamental principles: belief in one God, humanitarianism, national unity, deliberative democracy, and social justice. Two main political agendas launched by President Jokowi to reinvigorate the Pancasila were, first, re-designating June 1 as the birth of the Pancasila, widely known as Pancasila Day, and second, establishing the Presidential Working Unit of Pancasila Development (Unit Kerja Presiden Pembinaan Ideologi Pancasila or UKP-PIP), later known as the Pancasila Ideology Development Agency (BPIP). Since Indonesia’s Independence in 1945, Pancasila has been used as a tool to legitimize the ruling government and curb the opposition. The state would classify and typify individuals and groups who criticized and disagreed with the government administration as “un-Pancasilaist”. Jokowi introduced a new slogan: “I am Jokowi, I am Indonesia, I am Pancasila. What about you?” (Saya Jokowi, Saya Indonesia, Saya Pancasila. Kalau kamu?) It appeared in a 34-second video posted on social media a week before Pancasila Day in 2017. The message was amplified by public figures, celebrities, and influencers. However, many disagreed with the slogan since it produced the “us vs. them” narrative that increased polarization instead of reducing it. The usage of the word “I” or Saya prompted the question “Who are you?” which implied judging others’ views as if one was more Pancasilaist than others.
Rituals present an idealized version of how things ought to be, contrasting with the complexities of everyday life. The political ritual of wearing traditional attire can embrace real-life contradictions while still orienting people toward ideals. Engaging in these rituals enables us to grasp onto the memory of this perfection, even amidst the chaos. They serve as a reminder of areas we may be overlooking or neglecting. These special occasions offer an opportunity for introspection, prompting us to reflect on the disparity between the ideal and the actual, to contemplate how to reconcile the two. The ritualization of the SOTU serves as a means to navigate the space between reality and aspiration, resolving the tension between what should be and what actually occurs throughout the ceremony. The treasurer of the beautiful, diverse, tolerant, and harmonious Indonesia that is often absent in real life is present in the SOTU. When reconciliation takes place during such events, it reinforces the sense of national unity and consensus, enabling full engagement from all participants, if only momentarily. However, treasuring cultural diversity through traditional attire often extends no further than exhibitions for political image purposes, offering only fleeting affective satisfaction. This approach does not enhance local communities’ capacity to treasure their cultural heritage.
Merti Dusun: Treasuring Local Culture
While the utilization of traditional attire in the SOTU rituals is a state-sponsored treasuring practice that is inclined towards political purposes, the treasuring practices by local communities are geared towards empowerment, emphasizing the enhancement of local capacities. A prevalent treasuring practice observed among local communities in Java is the Merti Dusun. Originating from the Javanese language, the term merti denotes the act of preserving, maintaining, cleansing, and conserving. Thus, merti closely aligns with the concept of cultural preservation, entailing the safeguarding and nurturing of valuable cultural heritage. This annual tradition, conducted by agrarian communities in Javanese villages, expresses gratitude to the Creator for manifold blessings and abundance while simultaneously seeking protection from calamities and threats to community well-being, prosperity, and tranquility. The Merti Dusun ritual typically encompasses neighborhood clean-up, cultural showcases, processions, communal feasts, and traditional wayang puppet performances.
The preparations for this ritual commence with a community cleanup activity, encompassing the physical environment and the spiritual realm. Roads, brooks, houses, the village meeting hall, and the event venue are meticulously cleaned. Spiritual cleansing includes prayers to ancestral spirits to purify the village from misfortunes and negative energies. At the ceremony’s culmination, villagers carry nasi tumpeng (cone-shaped rice dishes) and panjang ilang (baskets overflowing with fruits and traditional snacks) as they make their way toward the village meeting hall where a collective prayer takes place, followed by a communal sharing of the food offerings. The ceremony sometimes incorporates the preparation of jodangan, ornately decorated wooden chests brimming with agricultural produce, and various offerings and gunungan, crafted arrangements of agricultural products resembling mountains. Following the bestowal of blessings, these gunungan are taken to the field to be distributed competitively among villagers in a practice known as rayahan. They believe that acquiring agricultural products from the gunungan brings forth blessings. The Merti Dusun ceremony traditionally concludes with a wayang (shadow puppet) performance staged during the evening hours.
Nearly all community members engage in Merti Dusun ceremonies according to their respective roles, from planning to implementation, contributing their labor, time, and financial resources. The planning phase commences with musyawarah (community deliberation) led by the head of the Dusun (village hamlet) to determine a comprehensive plan, encompassing the division of tasks, allocation of responsibilities, and the establishment of a financial contribution scheme to ensure the smooth execution of the ceremony. While the women prepare tumpeng (cone-shaped rice dishes), snacks, and ubo rampe (various offerings), the men handle the preparation of all the physical infrastructure needed for the event. Even children actively engage in enlivening the Merti Dusun through cultural performances and carnival. This massive involvement of community members not only enhances their social bonds, but also strengthens their sense of ownership and pride in their cultural treasure. The Merti Dusun ceremony becomes an effective medium for introducing and socializing cultural traditions across generations, thereby ensuring the preservation and sustainability of these treasured practices.
Beyond its profound social and cultural significance, the Merti Dusun ceremony also exerts a tangible impact on the local economy, both directly and indirectly. It serves as a powerful avenue for promoting tourism, showcasing the cultural potential and locally crafted products that have long been the community’s sources of income. Through the Merti Dusun ceremony, batik kayu (wood batik), a signature product of Krebet village in Bantul, has attracted a wider audience and increased visitors to Krebet. Tourists not only purchase these wood batik products but also seek the unique experience of learning the batik kayu technique and other traditional art forms such as folk dance, karawitan (Javanese gamelan music), ketoprak (traditional Javanese theater), and macapat (Javanese poetry). The government, particularly local authorities, supports cultural tourism promotion through the Merti Dusun. Local government officials and members of the regional legislative council are also invited in the Merti Dusun ceremony. However, they do not play a central role in the Merti Dusun rituals. This contrasts with the SOTU ritual, where the president and the house members are the focal points, while the people are merely spectators.
While both treasuring practices aim to elevate the nation’s rich cultural tapestry, their approaches and impacts diverge significantly. The state-sponsored treasuring practice often adopts a top-down, structural model, exemplified by President Jokowi’s public appearances in traditional attire in the SOTU ritual. This approach lacks direct involvement from the communities that hold the very cultural treasures being promoted. Disguised as multicultural politics, this orientation risks rendering state efforts superficial spectacles primarily focused on political consolidation. Moreover, the sustainability of such practices remains contingent upon the current political regime. There is no guarantee that a future administration with differing agendas will maintain these practices, even if supportive. They may be abandoned for lack of political utility or, conversely, exploited further to solidify power. Furthermore, these state-sponsored displays have minimal impact on the cultural lives of the public, aside from perhaps boosting pride in traditional attire. Such efforts provide fleeting visual excitement rather than fostering a deeper connection with the cultural treasure.
In stark contrast, community-based treasuring practices, exemplified by the Merti Dusun ceremony in rural Java, emphasize collective action, empowerment, and local ownership. Such initiatives empower communities to actively participate in maintaining, caring for, and sustaining their cultural treasures. This bottom-up approach fosters a sense of responsibility and cultural pride within the communities themselves, leading to a more sustainable preservation model. In conclusion, while both state-sponsored and community-based treasuring approaches aim to promote Indonesian cultural treasure, their divergent focuses and approaches lead to contrasting impacts. Top-down efforts prioritize political agendas, resulting in fleeting spectacles with limited cultural impact. Conversely, community-driven initiatives cultivate a deeper connection with cultural heritage, ensuring its long-term viability.